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Marx and Engels, radical environmentalists


It’s a myth that Marx and Engels ignored environmental concerns. Their work was rooted in an ecological vision that can educate and inspire today’s activists.

MarxEngels_monument3

At the demonstration in Washington, D.C., in February to oppose the Keystone XL pipeline, which is being built to transport tar sands oil from Western Canada to the U.S. Gulf Coast, members of the Ecosocialist Contingent carried signs reading “System Change, Not Climate Change!”

The slogan was well received, as growing numbers of environmental activists recognize that only fundamental social and economic changes can solve the deepening global ecological crisis.

But what kinds of changes are needed and what strategies can win them? There are serious debates within the movement. What I want to argue here is that activists have much to gain by engaging with the ecological critique of capitalism first developed by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in the 19th century.

Until quite recently, there was a common myth that Marx and Engels had nothing useful to say about the environment. But over the past 10 to 15 years, this myth has been refuted by writers like the sociologist John Bellamy Foster and the environmental economist Paul Burkett.

In his book Marx’s Ecology, published in 2000, Foster shows that ecological ideas were central to Marx and Engels’ materialist outlook from the early 1840s.

For example, in his 1844 Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, Marx wrote: ”Man lives on nature — means that nature is his body, with which he must remain in continuous interchange if he is not to die. That man’s physical and spiritual life is linked to nature means simply that nature is linked to itself, for man is a part of nature.”

Both Marx and Engels point out in their later writings that capitalism disrupts the link between humans and the rest of the natural world, to the detriment of both. Marx sometimes calls this the “metabolic rift” — ”an irreparable break in the coherence of social interchange prescribed by the natural laws of life.”

In his notebooks for Capital written in the 1850s, later published as the Grundrisse, Marx notes:

“It is not the unity of living and active humanity with the natural, inorganic conditions of their metabolic exchange with nature, and hence their appropriation of nature, which requires explanation or is the result of a historic process, but rather the separation between these inorganic conditions of human existence and this active existence, a separation which is completely posited only in the relation of wage labor and capital.”

In capitalist economies, a small minority, driven by competition and the search for ever-greater profits, controls the means of production. The system imposes a drive to accumulate on individual capitalists, and this results in a focus on short-term gains that ignore the long-term effects of production, including its consequences for the natural environment.

According to Engels:

“As individual capitalists are engaged in production and exchange for the sake of the immediate profit, only the nearest, most immediate results must first be taken into account. As long as the individual manufacturer or merchant sells a manufactured or purchased commodity with the usual coveted profit, he is satisfied and does not concern himself with what afterwards becomes of the commodity and its purchasers.”

Engels points out the way in which this drive for profit can lead to ecological catastrophe:

“The same thing applies to the natural effects of the same actions. What cared the Spanish planters in Cuba, who burned down forests on the slopes of the mountains and obtained from the ashes sufficient fertilizer for one generation of very highly profitable coffee trees — what cared they that the heavy tropical rainfall afterwards washed away the unprotected upper stratum of the soil, leaving behind only bare rock!”

Engels concludes:

“In relation to nature, as to society, the present mode of production is predominantly concerned only about the immediate, the most tangible result; and then surprise is expressed that the more remote effects of actions directed to this end turn out to be quite different, are mostly quite the opposite in character.”

In Capital, drawing on the pioneering research of the German chemist Justus von Liebig, Marx discusses the process by which capitalism tends to deplete soil fertility:

Capitalist production, by collecting the population in great centers, and causing an ever-increasing preponderance of town population, on the one hand concentrates the historical motive power of society; on the other hand, it disturbs the circulation of matter between man and the soil, i.e., prevents the return to the soil of its elements consumed by man in the form of food and clothing; it therefore violates the conditions necessary to lasting fertility of the soil.”

Most obviously, human waste that in the past would have been used as fertilizer now has to be disposed of in other ways. Marx points out:

“Excretions of consumption are of the greatest importance for agriculture. So far as their utilization is concerned, there is an enormous waste of them in the capitalist economy. In London, for instance, they find no better use for the excretion of four and a half million human beings than to contaminate the Thames with it at heavy expense.”

Meanwhile, the problem of soil depletion in 19th century Britain was dealt with first by importing large quantities of bones from Europe and guano from South America, and later with the use of artificial fertilizers, which in turn created their own problems of runoff and ground water contamination. According to Marx:

“All progress in capitalistic agriculture is a progress in the art, not only of robbing the laborer, but of robbing the soil; all progress in increasing the fertility of the soil for a given time, is a progress towards ruining the lasting sources of that fertility…. Capitalist production, therefore, develops technology, and the combining together of various processes into a social whole, only by sapping the original sources of all wealth–the soil and the laborer.”

In Marx and Engels’ day, the environmental damage caused by capitalism was localized to particular regions or countries. Today, the threat of climate change is global in scope, with the production of greenhouse gases by the most developed capitalist economies threatening ecosystems across the planet.

But while the scale and scope of the environmental crisis today is much bigger and the danger correspondingly greater, the underlying causes — the capitalist imperative to accumulate and grow, and the resulting “metabolic rift” between humans and the rest of the natural world — remain the same.

Because of this, there can be no technological fix for problems like global warming. Of course, new technologies — particularly renewable energy sources based on the sun, wind and tides — are needed. But they will not be sufficient unless they are integrated into an economic system that is not driven by the need to continually expand and that is democratically planned to ensure long-term sustainability.

For Marx, this meant “the associated producers … rationally regulating their interchange with Nature, bringing it under their common control, instead of being ruled by it as by the blind forces of Nature; and achieving this with the least expenditure of energy and under conditions most favorable to, and worthy of, their human nature.”

As Engels pointed out, however, such rational regulation would have to be undertaken with the greatest care:

“Let us not … flatter ourselves overmuch on account of our human victories over nature. For each such victory nature takes its revenge on us. Each victory, it is true, in the first place brings about the results we expected, but in the second and third places, it has quite different, unforeseen effects which only too often cancel the first….

“Thus at every step we are reminded that we by no means rule over nature like a conqueror over a foreign people, like someone standing outside nature — but that we, with flesh, blood and brain, belong to nature, and exist in its midst, and that all our mastery of it consists in the fact that we have the advantage over all other creatures of being able to learn its laws and apply them correctly.”

Marx and Engels both argued that an environmentally sustainable society would require the “abolition of the antithesis between town and country.” Engels spelled out that this meant “as uniform a distribution as possible of the population over the whole country” and “an integral connection between industrial and agricultural production.”

If this analysis is correct, then environmentalists must set their sights not just on changes within the capitalist system, but ultimately on the abolition of capitalism itself. To avoid ecological catastrophe, we need to create a society based not on competition and perpetual growth, but on cooperation, economic democracy and long-term sustainability.

Marx offers the vision of such a society in the final pages of Capital, Volume 3:

“From the standpoint of a higher socio-economic formation, the private property of particular individuals in the earth will appear just as absurd as the private property of one man in other men.

“Even an entire society, a nation or all simultaneously existing societies taken together are not owners of the earth, they are simply its possessors, its beneficiaries, and have to bequeath it in an improved state to succeeding generations, as boni patres familias [good heads of households].”

We hope to put a stop to immediate threats like the Keystone XL pipeline with our activism. But ultimately, the hope of avoiding an environmental Armageddon requires us to take seriously the idea of fighting for the kind of system change that Marx described.

via Marx and Engels, radical environmentalists.

 

Frederick Engels’ Speech at the Grave of Karl Marx


Frederick Engels’ Speech at the Grave of Karl Marx

London, March 17, 1883

On the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest living thinker ceased to think. He had been left alone for scarcely two minutes, and when we came back we found him in his armchair, peacefully gone to sleep — but for ever.

An immeasurable loss has been sustained both by the militant proletariat of Europe and America, and by historical science, in the death of this man. The gap that has been left by the departure of this mighty spirit will soon enough make itself felt.

Just as Darwin discovered the law of development or organic nature, so Marx discovered the law of development of human history: the simple fact, hitherto concealed by an overgrowth of ideology, that mankind must first of all eat, drink, have shelter and clothing, before it can pursue politics, science, art, religion, etc.; that therefore the production of the immediate material means, and consequently the degree of economic development attained by a given people or during a given epoch, form the foundation upon which the state institutions, the legal conceptions, art, and even the ideas on religion, of the people concerned have been evolved, and in the light of which they must, therefore, be explained, instead of vice versa, as had hitherto been the case.

But that is not all. Marx also discovered the special law of motion governing the present-day capitalist mode of production, and the bourgeois society that this mode of production has created. The discovery of surplus value suddenly threw light on the problem, in trying to solve which all previous investigations, of both bourgeois economists and socialist critics, had been groping in the dark.

Two such discoveries would be enough for one lifetime. Happy the man to whom it is granted to make even one such discovery. But in every single field which Marx investigated — and he investigated very many fields, none of them superficially — in every field, even in that of mathematics, he made independent discoveries.

Such was the man of science. But this was not even half the man. Science was for Marx a historically dynamic, revolutionary force. However great the joy with which he welcomed a new discovery in some theoretical science whose practical application perhaps it was as yet quite impossible to envisage, he experienced quite another kind of joy when the discovery involved immediate revolutionary changes in industry, and in historical development in general. For example, he followed closely the development of the discoveries made in the field of electricity and recently those of Marcel Deprez.

For Marx was before all else a revolutionist. His real mission in life was to contribute, in one way or another, to the overthrow of capitalist society and of the state institutions which it had brought into being, to contribute to the liberation of the modern proletariat, which he was the first to make conscious of its own position and its needs, conscious of the conditions of its emancipation. Fighting was his element. And he fought with a passion, a tenacity and a success such as few could rival. His work on the first Rheinische Zeitung (1842), the Paris Vorwarts (1844), the Deutsche Brusseler Zeitung (1847), the Neue Rheinische Zeitung (1848-49), the New York Tribune (1852-61), and, in addition to these, a host of militant pamphlets, work in organisations in Paris, Brussels and London, and finally, crowning all, the formation of the great International Working Men’s Association – this was indeed an achievement of which its founder might well have been proud even if he had done nothing else.

And, consequently, Marx was the best hated and most calumniated man of his time. Governments, both absolutist and republican, deported him from their territories. Bourgeois, whether conservative or ultra-democratic, vied with one another in heaping slanders upon him. All this he brushed aside as though it were a cobweb, ignoring it, answering only when extreme necessity compelled him. And he died beloved, revered and mourned by millions of revolutionary fellow workers — from the mines of Siberia to California, in all parts of Europe and America — and I make bold to say that, though he may have had many opponents, he had hardly one personal enemy.

His name will endure through the ages, and so also will his work.

Posted in Blast from the Past, Real Heroes | Tagged Communism, Communist Manifesto, Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx

via Proletarian Center for Research, Education and Culture | …in the new exuberant aggressiveness of world capitalism we see what communists and their allies held at bay. – Richard Levins.

via Proletarian Center for Research, Education and Culture | …in the new exuberant aggressiveness of world capitalism we see what communists and their allies held at bay. – Richard Levins.

Should socialists support degrowth?


The question is not should we advocate reducing production within capitalist society but rather: How do we best relate to those struggles that are already occurring?  Activists across the globe are challenging economic expansion which threatens the survival of humanity.  It has never been more urgent to provide a vision of a new society that can pull these efforts together.

Climate change is justifiably the focus of concern in the early 21st century.  The Earth is approaching the level of 450 parts per million (ppm) of atmospheric carbon, a level which must be averted if humans are to avoid a cataclysmic turning point when climate change will loop into itself and increase even without additional industrial activity.

Yet corporate politicians shriek blindly that the only solution to economic crisis is increasing production.  This, despite crises in species extinction, toxins and depletion of oil and other resources. [1]  Even though industrial growth is destroying the biology of existence, progressives often throw up a variety of objections to opposing economic expansion:

Reducing production would supposedly worsen the lives of working people.

The degrowth movement began with bourgeois liberals.

Since degrowth cannot occur within capitalism, discussing it should wait until “after the revolution.”

The concept of producing less is too abstract to build a movement around.

An anti-growth movement would easily be co-opted.

Each of these deserves attention.

1. Does lowering production mean a worse quality of life?

Most economic writers, even socialist ones, still seem to believe that there is a strong connection between production and consumption.  Enormous changes during the twentieth century profoundly weakened the bond between them.

In 1880, Frederick Engels wrote:

“The possibility of securing for every member of society, by socialized production, an existence not only fully sufficient materially, and becoming day by day more full, but an existence guaranteeing to all the free development and exercise of their physical and mental faculties—this possibility is now for the first time here, but it is here.” (Emphasis in original) [2]

But capitalism would not stop expanding merely because it had the potential to meet human needs.  Between 1913 and 2005, America’s GDP grew 300 fold. [3]

How did corporations manage to continue an enormous increase in production well after reaching the ability to meet human needs?  In 1929, President Herbert Hoover’s Committee on Recent Economic Changes announced its conceptual breakthrough: Capitalism could be saved via the manufacture of artificial needs.  The era of planned obsolescence was born.  [4]

Modern Western existence rests atop a mountain of commodities that play no role whatsoever in making our lives better but do threaten the biology of our existence. [5]  Fabricated desires for electronic gadgets and in-style fashions create massive waste.  But consumer choices are barely the tip of the iceberg of unnecessary and destructive production.

No one eats bombs for breakfast, and Americans never get to vote on the unending stream of wars and military bases which pervade the globe.  This accounts for up to 15% of the US GDP. [6]

The vast majority of economic waste occurs during production processes over which workers and consumers have little to no control.  The simultaneous growth of starvation and obesity is the hallmark of a food industry where the production of a speck of nutritious food is dwarfed by the gargantuan resources devoted to chemicalizing, processing, packaging, preserving, transporting, marketing, sugarizing, genetically modifying, discarding from grocery shelves and convincing people that they need to eat meat three times a day.

It is similar with medicine.  Why does Cuba spend 4% of what the US does for each citizen’s health care when both have the same life expectancy of 78.0 years? It is much more than the 30% overhead of insurance companies.  It is also because of the huge amount of over-treatment by a profit-driven industry, under-treating patients whose illnesses get worse, creation of illnesses and treatments, exposure of patients to contagion through over-hospitalization and disease-oriented instead of prevention-oriented research. [7]

Capitalism is now producing an ever greater quantity of things while a decreasing proportion of what is produced is actually useful.  This means that it is now possible to (1) increase the manufacture of necessary goods, and simultaneously (2) decrease the total volume of production.

2. Babies, bathwater and bourgeois liberalism

It is not unusual for the degrowth movement to be rejected because it is based in the liberal ideology of personal life style changes.  But people can make an observation that is brilliant even if their overall world view isn’t.  Pointing to the philosophical weaknesses of those advocating degrowth does not disprove their concept that the economy must shrink.

Fracking, tar sands extraction, and deep sea oil drilling are inherently dangerous — they are not dangerous only when done for profit.  Workers control of production will not prevent the expansion of land use from causing species extinction.  Nor will it render uranium non-deadly.

Hostility towards obvious truths espoused by liberal authors is very different from Marx’s approach to Hegel.  As Engels wrote, “That the Hegelian system did not solve the problem it propounded is here immaterial.  Its epoch-making merit was that it propounded the problem.” [8]  If Marx had refused to learn from Hegel because of his idealism, Marx never would have turned Hegel on his head to conceptualize dialectical materialism.

Even more to the point is Engels’ treatment of “the three great Utopians” (Saint-Simon, Fourier and Owen) in Socialism: Utopian and Scientific.  Engels praises the contributions of each, paying particular homage to Owen:

“Every social movement, every real advance in England on behalf of the workers links itself on to the name of Robert Owen.   He forced through in 1819, after five years’ fighting, the first law limiting the hours of labor of women and children in factories.  He was president of the first Congress at which all the Trade Unions of England united in a single great trade association.”[9]

Before delving into scientific socialism, Engels rakes all three across the coals, explaining that “To all of these socialism is the expression of absolute truth, reason and justice, and has only to be discovered to conquer the world by virtue of its own power.” [10]  Engels held onto their goal of socialism while throwing out their method of utopian idealism.

3. Waiting until “after the revolution”

In contrast to those who fail to recognize the need to reduce the total volume of production, John Bellamy Foster suffers no confusion about the need not merely to slow down but to reverse the trends of capitalism. [11]  His quarrel is not with the goal of reducing the enormous waste of capitalism but with the pathetic inability of “green technology” to accomplish this, and even more so, the failure of “degrowth” theorists to come to grips with the relentless drive for capital to expand.

But Foster could be used to support either of two answers to the critical question: “Should we work to lower production while living in capitalist society?”  On one hand, his title “Capitalism and degrowth: An impossibility theorem” can be interpreted as implying “No, it is diversionary to work for what obviously cannot be obtained” (a sustained decrease in the mass of production over an extended period of time within capitalism).  On the other hand, he advocates a “co-revolutionary movement” which would synthesize struggles of labor, anti-imperialism, social domination and ecology (anti-growth).

Ever since the beginning of the labor movement, capitalists have sought to divide workers by ethnicity and gender.  Despite enormous advances, it is not possible to eliminate either racism or sexism within a mode of production that feeds on maximizing profit.  But it would be hard to find progressives who would abstain from these struggles because they cannot be won until “after the revolution.”  Quite the opposite: A social movement changes consciousness and the new awareness of oppression plants the seeds for fully overcoming it in a post-capitalist society.

Similarly with imperialism.  One of the greatest consciousness-altering epochs in US history was opposition to the Vietnam War.  Though a mass movement forced an end to that war, US imperialism was hardly abolished.  Lenin explained in great detail how capitalism without imperialism would have been an impossibility theorem—imperialism had become the epoch of capitalism when finance capital reigned supreme.  Indeed, Lenin railed against those socialists who saw imperialism as a bad policy of one group of parliamentarians.  He thoroughly denounced Kautsky for suggesting that “imperialism is not modern capitalism.  It is only one of the forms of policy of modern capitalism.” [12]

Imperialism is economic growth uncorked.  Lenin saw that the merging of finance and industrial capital pushed the economic system beyond its national boundaries and forced it into other countries to increase the rate of accumulation:

“The more capitalism develops, the more the need for raw materials arises, the more bitter competition becomes, and the more feverishly the hunt for raw materials proceeds all over the world, the more desperate becomes the struggle for the acquisition of colonies. “[13]

To state the obvious: Lenin did not use his understanding of the inherent link between capitalism and imperialism to conclude that it was pointless to oppose imperialism as long as capitalism existed.  The ravages of wanton growth are leading an entire generation of environmental activists to see the intrinsically destructive nature of capitalism.

Imperialism and economic growth are both manifestations of the same phenomenon—the irresistible urge of capitalism to expand after basic needs have been met.  Refusal to oppose growth makes no more sense than refusal to oppose imperialism.  If “attainability” within capitalist society were a litmus test for supporting a movement, then virtually all progressive movements would be a waste of time.

4. Motion against growth is not an abstraction

European fur traders documented some of the first resistance to growth in North Americans.  They were quite annoyed with Native Americans who would trap only the amount needed to purchase goods such as knives and cooking pots.  Then they would stop trapping.

Fast forward several centuries.  The brilliant movie Story of Stuff mirrors the massive awareness that life is not made better by throw-away junk and never-ending style changes.

Hostility is intense toward the extractive industries.  At the core of accumulating capital is ripping trees off the land, minerals from beneath the surface, and water from everywhere.  Recent decades have seen opposition grow as fast as growth itself, whether to save the last 5% of US redwoods or to protect indigenous lands in South America and Asia.

Realization that tar sands extraction may create the tipping point for climate change has led thousands into the streets opposing the Alberta pipelines.  Many more thousands have marched, often fought and not infrequently died in battles in the global South to protect their land and communities from mining gold, silver, diamonds, and coltan, to mention a very few.

Industrial processes require water.  Manufacture of a single car requires 350,000 liters.  Water is now being pumped out of aquifers at 15 times the rate it soaks into them.  Lakes are being drained and/or hopelessly contaminated. [14]

There is indeed a strong connection between imperialism and the growth economy.  Imperialism and wasteful production are two sides of a corporate economy that is compelled to grow, regardless of what individual stockholders and politicians desire.  Global domination is the way that corporations obtain materials to produce mountains of useless and destructive junk.  Marching against endless wars to corner the market on raw materials means marching (consciously or unconsciously) against economic growth.

5. Making the connections

Foster very effectively demonstrates the fallacies of Latouche, who “tries to draw a distinction between the degrowth project and the socialist critique of capitalism.” [15]  Degrowth theory is weakened every time one of its advocates seeks to show that shrinking the economy is compatible with a market economy.  This was certainly true of Herman Daly, a major prophet of the theory of a steady-state economy. [16]

Does this liberalism of many supporters make the concept of shrinking the economy in any way unique?  In fact, capitalism has massive experience corrupting liberation movements.  Twisting idealistic desires to improve the environment into behavior that contributes to environmental destruction is no exception.

Anyone who has ever challenged an incinerator, landfill, toxic manufacture or extraction industry has confronted the danger of stagnating in the NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard) mentality.  Politicians are quick to suggest that victims can save themselves by backing efforts to dump the toxic threat on some other community with less power.  The critical factor becomes consciousness-linking: explaining that the social and ecological destruction dictated by the economics of growth cannot be resolved by pushing the problem off to another location or to future generations.

The struggle for a shorter workday is an integral part of any effort to shrink production.  But capitalism has long since figured out how to transform it into a tool for maintaining or even increasing production.  Liberals often argue that being at the job for fewer hours can invigorate workers to produce the same amount in less time.  Speeding up an assembly line or putting 20 students in a class instead of 15 both increase the rate of exploitation.

Even if bosses were to grant the same pay for fewer hours of work (such as “30 for 40”) they could cut social wages (free parks and roads, education, Social Security, Medicare).  And/or they could increase the rate of inflation, diminishing what workers could buy with that pay.  Most important, they could increase the rate of planned obsolescence, thereby decreasing the durability of goods and forcing more purchases.  Corporate countermeasures illustrate that the same process (fewer hours of work) can have opposite effects, depending on whether it is part of a movement that accepts capitalism or is part of a revolutionary project to replace it.

That capitalism could only grant a reduction of production in the most negative way does not make this demand distinctive.  It verifies the desire of capitalism to transform any movement into its opposite.  The central issue is how to keep a worthwhile goal from being perverted by capitalism.  This can be accomplished only if the movement expands its focus from a particular struggle into a universal struggle for human liberation.

There is nothing that strikes to the heart of capitalism more than confronting its primal urge to grow.  A failure to identify the culprit as capitalist growth is the major limitation of liberal movements to halt climate change, protect biodiversity, guard communities from toxins and preserve natural resources.  Rather than being dismissive toward ongoing struggles against growth, socialists should enthusiastically participate and point to their anti-capitalist essence.

It makes no sense to abstain from ongoing challenges to growth with a claim that anti-growth cannot begin tomorrow.  Today’s anti-extraction (i.e., anti-growth) conflicts are the most intense they have ever been.  If those who stand back from supporting them claim that they wish to build a new society, the society that they would create would be one whose economy grew and grew until it made human existence impossible.

Many who participated in the Occupy Wall Street movement were well aware that the problem is not just opportunities denied the 99% but the active destruction of the planet by the 1%.  The great strength of socialists is their grasp of the unique power of labor to create a new society.  A movement which merged the enthusiasm of Occupy, the workplace strength of labor, and the understanding that reducing production is essential for preserving human life would be a powerful movement indeed.

Don Fitz produces Green Time TV in conjunction with KNLC-TV in St. Louis and is active in the Greens/Green Party USA.  He can be contacted at fitzdon@aol.com

via Should socialists support degrowth?.

via Should socialists support degrowth?.

Ireland who Rules?


Ireland who Rules?

images (1)download

The ruling class is ruling, the working class is barely working and for the middle class, well let us just say for them it was fun while it lasted. Unbeknownst to them the middle classes are merging into the proletariat but fail to recognize the signs
The new Rulers
The new rulers are the IMF/ECB and the global Corporations which will slowly but surly turn Ireland into an economic concentration camp and we will meekly comply. What great fate Marx had in humanity if he were alive today he would turn in his grave with shame
Future children will say to their Grandfathers… what was it like to be rich?
Grandfather: It was very nice but alas, those days are gone… The days of wine, roses, and song
Child: why do people refer to as an appendage of the machine?
Grandfather: Because they have taken away your character, your value is no more than that of an add-on to the machine. You in fact are of less value than the machine itself. That child is now your lot.
Child: Will we ever be rich again Grandfather.
Grandfather: Maybe, Maybe when we learn to fight and resist the dictate of the global corporations and their various lackeys
Understand child, your struggle is a class struggle. The politicians your parents vote for have become the servants of the monetary powers. Please realise, these people no longer represent the people. Your vote is no loner an exercise in democracy it has become little more than a cruel fantasy of what democracy should be.
They have betrayed us all by belittling and replacing democracy by the illusory notion of a hybrid Democracy to serve the interests of national security. Child you have nothing to loose but your chains.
Child: Thank you grandfather Marx
.

Dear Citizen
In the name of the free market, the lives of millions of people all over the planet are now predestined to expropriation, unemployment, destitution, misery, wars, and State repression.
This is done not under the names of your not your government but at the bequest of the IMF/ECB and the global Corporations

Soviet Union propaganda posters-Lenin and Marx


Lenin, Marx

Leninas su mumis

Lithuanian Poster of Lenin

The teaching of Marx is all-powerful because it is true!

The teaching of Marx is all-powerful because it is true!

Disarmament is the ideal of socialism. Ulyanov Lenin

Disarmament is the ideal of socialism. Ulyanov Lenin

The party is the mind, honor and conscience of our epoch. V.I. Lenin.

The party is the mind, honor and conscience of our epoch. V.I. Lenin.

Soviet power is a million times more democratic than the most democratic bourgeois republic.

Soviet power is a million times more democratic than the most democratic bourgeois republic.

Lenin - a thinker

Lenin – a thinker

Peace is our ideal

Peace is our ideal

To the bright future of communist society, universal prosperity and enduring peace.

To the bright future of communist society, universal prosperity and enduring peace.

Our task is to protect firmness, steadfastness, purity of our party. V.I. Lenin

Our task is to protect firmness, steadfastness, purity of our party. V.I. Lenin

V.I. Lenin 1870 - 1970

V.I. Lenin 1870 – 1924

Lenin, October, Peace. 1917 - 1987.

Lenin, October, Peace. 1917 – 1987.

Lenin is still more alive than all those living KPSS

Lenin is still more alive than all those living KPSS

Long live Marxism-Leninism!

Long live Marxism-Leninism!

Lenin lived, Lenin is alive, Lenin will live!

Lenin lived, Lenin is alive, Lenin will live!

Time is working for peace. For communism.

Time is working for peace. For communism.

CCCP<br>Long live the all-victorious flag of Leninism!

CCCP
Long live the all-victorious flag of Leninism!

via Soviet Union propaganda posters.

via Soviet Union propaganda posters.

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Notes on Films and Culture

1,001 Movies Reviewed Before You Die

Where I Review One of the 1,001 Movies You Should Watch Before you Die Every Day

Movies Galore of Milwaukee

Movie Galore takes a look at Silent films on up to current in development projects and gives their own opinion on what really does happen in film!

The Catwing Has Landed

A Writer's Blog About Life and Random Things

mibih.wordpress.com/

Anime - Movies - Wrestling

Gabriel Diego Valdez

Movies and how they change you.

The Horror Incorporated Project

Lurking among the corpses are the body snatchers....plotting their next venture into the graveyard....the blood in your veins will run cold, your spine tingle, as you look into the terror of death in tonight's feature....come along with me into the chamber of horrors, for an excursion through.... Horror Incorporated!

Relatos desde mi ventana

Sentimientos, emociones y reflexiones

Teri again

Finding Me; A site about my life before and after a divorce

unveiled rhythms

Life In Verses

Gareth Roberts

Unorthodox Marketing & Strategy

leeg schrift

Taalarmen

100 Films in a Year

12 months. 100 films. Hopefully.

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